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Este blog tuvo su nacimiento, desarrollo y muerte. Resucitó por un tiempo, pero lo he vuelto a matar.

Cerré el acceso por un tiempo con la firme intensión de borrarlo, pero la señorita Ángela Pablo dice que una cosa es cerrar una cuenta de twitter, y otra más grave, borrar un blog. Creo que tiene razón, como dice ixcolai: ¿qué estudiarán los antropólogos del futuro? Pues tal vez lean blogs. Así que lo dejo aquí, como muestra de lo alguna vez que fui, pero ya no soy más...

Los rumores dicen que ahora me pueden encontrar por acá:

http://estoyllenodedudas.wordpress.com/


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Dejo la vieja advertencia de este blog, ya que continua siendo válida:

Escribía en español, inglés, francés y mal catalán porque me agradada hacerlo. No soy galo, catalán o anglosajón. Y si crees que soy mexicano sólo porque nací en este país, te reto a que definas tu concepto de nación y por lo tanto de nacionalidad.

Las expresiones aquí mostradas fueron un reflejo de mi estado de ánimo al momento de escribirlas, y si lees profundamente, verás que mi estado de ánimo cambia como menguante es la luna.

Si te sientes ofendido por alguna idea expresada en esta página, recuerda que "duras no son las palabras, frágiles las mentes que las interpretan".

¿Quedó claro? Si no es así, deja un comentario en la entrada del conflicto (junto con tus datos) y me comunicaré contigo a la brevedad.

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jueves, septiembre 13, 2007

Hobbling Mexico's Democracy?

Espetado por Sólo Héctor |

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You gotta read this:

Hobbling Mexico's Democracy?

Published: September 13, 2007

It is natural, and welcome, for any democracy to reform its rules and procedures to guarantee the legitimacy and fairness of its elections. But Mexico’s political parties are playing with fire, using the cover of reform to try to oust the board of the autonomous Federal Electoral Institute, including its president, Luis Carlos Ugalde.

The arbiter of Mexico’s elections, the electoral institute has conferred legitimacy to a process badly tattered by decades of widespread election fraud and de facto single-party rule.

It proved its full worth last year when it had the credibility to pull the nation through an extremely bitter presidential election in which Felipe Calderón, of the National Action Party, won by a margin of half a percent, and the loser, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the Democratic Revolution Party, cried fraud and took his supporters to the streets.

The electoral institute made mistakes along the way. It wasn’t sufficiently forceful to stop illegal campaign advertising by business groups. An election tribunal, however, determined that these irregularities did not alter the outcome of the election.

The two losing parties — Mr. López Obrador’s party, and to a lesser extent the once all-powerful Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as the PRI — now want Mr. Ugalde and his team out. Not surprising, perhaps, but also not the way the democratic game is supposed to be played.

President Calderón and his party are reportedly going along because they want to get beyond the mess of last year’s elections, and Mr. Calderón needs PRI support for his plans for fiscal reform.

Getting rid of the institute’s board members before the end of their term in 2010 would make a mockery of the autonomy that was meant to protect the institute — and Mexico’s electoral system — from the vagaries of Mexico’s politics. It would also open the door for the loser of the next election to try the same gambit again.

Mexico could do with a healthy discussion about what went wrong in last year’s elections and how to ensure mistakes aren’t repeated. But firing the electoral institute’s counselors would only undermine an institution that has proved indispensable for Mexico’s young and fragile democracy.